Generalized Minimality: Feature impoverishment and comprehension deficits in agrammatism

Nino Grillo

doi:doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2008.04.003

Generalized Minimality: Feature impoverishment and comprehension deficits in agrammatism

Nino Grillo

Language and Linguistic Science

Research output: Contribution to journal › Article › peer-review

Abstract

Agrammatic Broca's aphasics have been shown to have particular problems in comprehending sentences in which a DP has moved over an intervening DP. The explanation of the nature of this observation has played a central role in neurolinguistics and psycholinguistics in the last 30 years. This paper proposes that this pattern can be explained by the Relativized Minimality approach to locality given the natural assumption that agrammatics have trouble with the representation of scope-discourse related features. This approach presents considerable advantages from an empirical perspective and is conceptually desirable from a theoretical perspective. Among the advantages, it is claimed to allow a better integration of these facts with other well-known asymmetries in agrammatic comprehension, such as those involving binding, and models that relate processing and representational accounts of their deficits

Original language	English
Pages (from-to)	1426-1443
Journal	Lingua
Volume	119
Issue number	10
DOIs	https://doi.org/doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2008.04.003
Publication status	Published - 2009

Keywords

Agrammatic Aphasia
Sentence Comprehension
Relativized Minimality
Feature Hierarchy
Passives

Access to Document

doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2008.04.003

Cite this

@article{878c33c68f424608a67bccca4c8832a8,

title = "Generalized Minimality: Feature impoverishment and comprehension deficits in agrammatism",

abstract = "Agrammatic Broca's aphasics have been shown to have particular problems in comprehending sentences in which a DP has moved over an intervening DP. The explanation of the nature of this observation has played a central role in neurolinguistics and psycholinguistics in the last 30 years. This paper proposes that this pattern can be explained by the Relativized Minimality approach to locality given the natural assumption that agrammatics have trouble with the representation of scope-discourse related features. This approach presents considerable advantages from an empirical perspective and is conceptually desirable from a theoretical perspective. Among the advantages, it is claimed to allow a better integration of these facts with other well-known asymmetries in agrammatic comprehension, such as those involving binding, and models that relate processing and representational accounts of their deficits",

keywords = "Agrammatic Aphasia, Sentence Comprehension, Relativized Minimality, Feature Hierarchy, Passives",

author = "Nino Grillo",

year = "2009",

doi = "doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2008.04.003",

language = "English",

volume = "119",

pages = "1426--1443",

journal = "Lingua",

issn = "0024-3841",

publisher = "Elsevier",

number = "10",

}

TY - JOUR

T1 - Generalized Minimality

T2 - Feature impoverishment and comprehension deficits in agrammatism

AU - Grillo, Nino

PY - 2009

Y1 - 2009

N2 - Agrammatic Broca's aphasics have been shown to have particular problems in comprehending sentences in which a DP has moved over an intervening DP. The explanation of the nature of this observation has played a central role in neurolinguistics and psycholinguistics in the last 30 years. This paper proposes that this pattern can be explained by the Relativized Minimality approach to locality given the natural assumption that agrammatics have trouble with the representation of scope-discourse related features. This approach presents considerable advantages from an empirical perspective and is conceptually desirable from a theoretical perspective. Among the advantages, it is claimed to allow a better integration of these facts with other well-known asymmetries in agrammatic comprehension, such as those involving binding, and models that relate processing and representational accounts of their deficits

AB - Agrammatic Broca's aphasics have been shown to have particular problems in comprehending sentences in which a DP has moved over an intervening DP. The explanation of the nature of this observation has played a central role in neurolinguistics and psycholinguistics in the last 30 years. This paper proposes that this pattern can be explained by the Relativized Minimality approach to locality given the natural assumption that agrammatics have trouble with the representation of scope-discourse related features. This approach presents considerable advantages from an empirical perspective and is conceptually desirable from a theoretical perspective. Among the advantages, it is claimed to allow a better integration of these facts with other well-known asymmetries in agrammatic comprehension, such as those involving binding, and models that relate processing and representational accounts of their deficits

KW - Agrammatic Aphasia

KW - Sentence Comprehension

KW - Relativized Minimality

KW - Feature Hierarchy

KW - Passives

U2 - doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2008.04.003

DO - doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2008.04.003

M3 - Article

SN - 0024-3841

VL - 119

SP - 1426

EP - 1443

JO - Lingua

JF - Lingua

IS - 10

ER -