Internal and external motivation in phonetic change: dialect levelling outcomes for an English vowel shift

Eivind Torgersen; Paul Kerswill

doi:10.1111/j.1467-9841.2004.00250.x

Internal and external motivation in phonetic change: dialect levelling outcomes for an English vowel shift

Eivind Torgersen, Paul Kerswill

Language and Linguistic Science

Research output: Contribution to journal › Article › peer-review

Abstract

This article is a contribution to the debate about the primacy of internal versus
external factors in language change (Farrar and Jones 2002; Thomason and
Kaufman 1988). Taking Labov’s Principles of Vowel Shifting (Labov 1994) as
representing internal factors,we examine avowel shift in Ashford, south-east
of London. F1and F2measurements of the short vowels suggestaclassic chain
shift, largely following Labov’s Principles II and III (though Labov’s assumption
that London short front vowels are rising is shown to be wrong). However,
corresponding data from Reading, west of London, evidence no signs of a chain
shift. The two datasets show identical targets for the changes in each town.
Thus, there has been convergence between the two short vowel systems ^ from
di¡erent starting points.We argue that a dialect contact model is more explanatory
than internal factors in this case of regional dialect levelling in the
south-east of England.

Original language	English
Pages (from-to)	23-53
Number of pages	31
Journal	Journal of Sociolinguistics
Volume	8
Issue number	1
DOIs	https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9841.2004.00250.x
Publication status	Published - Feb 2004

Bibliographical note

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10.1111/j.1467-9841.2004.00250.x

Cite this

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title = "Internal and external motivation in phonetic change: dialect levelling outcomes for an English vowel shift",

abstract = "This article is a contribution to the debate about the primacy of internal versusexternal factors in language change (Farrar and Jones 2002; Thomason andKaufman 1988). Taking Labov{\textquoteright}s Principles of Vowel Shifting (Labov 1994) asrepresenting internal factors,we examine avowel shift in Ashford, south-eastof London. F1and F2measurements of the short vowels suggestaclassic chainshift, largely following Labov{\textquoteright}s Principles II and III (though Labov{\textquoteright}s assumptionthat London short front vowels are rising is shown to be wrong). However,corresponding data from Reading, west of London, evidence no signs of a chainshift. The two datasets show identical targets for the changes in each town.Thus, there has been convergence between the two short vowel systems ^ fromdi¡erent starting points.We argue that a dialect contact model is more explanatorythan internal factors in this case of regional dialect levelling in thesouth-east of England.",

author = "Eivind Torgersen and Paul Kerswill",

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N2 - This article is a contribution to the debate about the primacy of internal versusexternal factors in language change (Farrar and Jones 2002; Thomason andKaufman 1988). Taking Labov’s Principles of Vowel Shifting (Labov 1994) asrepresenting internal factors,we examine avowel shift in Ashford, south-eastof London. F1and F2measurements of the short vowels suggestaclassic chainshift, largely following Labov’s Principles II and III (though Labov’s assumptionthat London short front vowels are rising is shown to be wrong). However,corresponding data from Reading, west of London, evidence no signs of a chainshift. The two datasets show identical targets for the changes in each town.Thus, there has been convergence between the two short vowel systems ^ fromdi¡erent starting points.We argue that a dialect contact model is more explanatorythan internal factors in this case of regional dialect levelling in thesouth-east of England.

AB - This article is a contribution to the debate about the primacy of internal versusexternal factors in language change (Farrar and Jones 2002; Thomason andKaufman 1988). Taking Labov’s Principles of Vowel Shifting (Labov 1994) asrepresenting internal factors,we examine avowel shift in Ashford, south-eastof London. F1and F2measurements of the short vowels suggestaclassic chainshift, largely following Labov’s Principles II and III (though Labov’s assumptionthat London short front vowels are rising is shown to be wrong). However,corresponding data from Reading, west of London, evidence no signs of a chainshift. The two datasets show identical targets for the changes in each town.Thus, there has been convergence between the two short vowel systems ^ fromdi¡erent starting points.We argue that a dialect contact model is more explanatorythan internal factors in this case of regional dialect levelling in thesouth-east of England.

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