Abstract
We compare the processing of relative clauses in comprehension (self-paced reading) and production (planned production). We manipulated the locality of two syntactic dependencies: filler-gap (subject vs object gap) and subject-verb (center-embedded vs right-branched). The non-local filler-gap dependency resulted in a longer embedded predicate duration, across domains, consistent with memory-based accounts. For the non-local subject-verb dependency, we observe longer reading times at the main verb, but in production a greater likelihood and duration of a pause preceding the main verb. We argue that this result stems from the cost of computing the restriction, which manifests as a prosodic break. In the context of the subject-verb dependency manipulation, we also revisit the source of interpretation break-down in multiple center-embedding. Generally, our findings imply that memory-based accounts are adequate for filler-gap, but not subject-verb, dependencies and production studies can aid in understanding complexity effects.
| Original language | English |
|---|---|
| Pages (from-to) | 170-189 |
| Journal | Language Cognition and Neuroscience |
| Volume | 34 |
| Issue number | 2 |
| Early online date | 23 Aug 2018 |
| DOIs | |
| Publication status | Published - 1 Feb 2019 |
Bibliographical note
© 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. This is an author-produced version of the published paper. Uploaded in accordance with the publisher’s self-archiving policy. Further copying may not be permitted; contact the publisher for details.Keywords
- comprehension
- memory
- production
- Relative clause
- syntactic dependency
